Factors Affecting Health Communication Campaigns

Factors Affecting Health Communication Campaigns A comparison of HIV Aids and Polio Campaigns in Aligargh, Uttar Pradesh Introduction: Last two decades of the century has seen a renewed interest in the field of health communication, disease prevention and health promotion. This was because it was realized that continued investments in clinical health research brings diminishing returns if it is not accompanied with strategic information, education and communication(IEC) efforts. (Pencheon, Guest, Melzer, Gray, 2004) Public and government health departments are rich with tacit knowledge regarding health communication practices and the problems encountered with the population in their geographical area. However this information is rarely collected and written down due to lack of resources. Effective communication can spread knowledge, value and social norms. This can be instrumental in affecting behaviour and improving the over-all health status of the population. India faces a dual challenge in tackling the problem of HIV Aids and Polio. First is the overall high population and poor living conditions of people living in small towns and villages, and second is the complex socio- cultural factors which lead to poor awareness and stigma attached to these diseases. It is important to understand these factors which affect the impact of health communication campaigns in a particular geo-graphical sub system if a comprehensive micro understanding of this field has to be generated. Moreover there always exists a gap between the people who design health communication campaigns and the campaign implementers. An assessment and feed-back from the grass root level implementers needs to be taken if this gap has to be effectively filled. This research hopes to uncover these insights which will be useful not only to the academics but also to the practitioners. Literature review Health Communication: Health communication involves the use of communication strategies by experts in public health domain to influence the health behaviour of people. It is a link between health care practices and communication which has a significant impact on influencing individual and community behaviour towards health and thereby a huge potential to significantly improve their life. (Neil Mckee, 2004) HIV AIDS: The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) is a retrovirus that infects cells of the immune system, destroying or impairing their function. As the infection progresses, the immune system becomes weaker, and the person becomes more susceptible to infections. The most advanced stage of HIV infection is acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). It can take 10-15 years for an HIV-infected person to develop AIDS; antiretroviral drugs can slow down the process even further. HIV is transmitted through unprotected sexual intercourse (anal or vaginal), transfusion of contaminated blood, sharing of contaminated needles, and between a mother and her infant during pregnancy, childbirth and breastfeeding. Global Case load: HIV Aids In countries most heavily affected, HIV has reduced life expectancy by more than 20 years, slowed economic growth, and deepened household poverty. In sub-Saharan Africa alone, the epidemic has orphaned nearly 12 million children aged less than 18 years. The natural age distribution in many national populations in sub-Saharan Africa has been dramatically skewed by HIV, with potentially perilous consequences for the transfer of knowledge and values from one generation to the next. In Asia, where infection rates are much lower than in Africa, HIV causes a greater loss of productivity than any other disease, and is likely to push an additional 6 million households into poverty by 2015 unless national responses are strengthened (Commission on AIDS in Asia, 2008). According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), HIV has inflicted the single greatest reversal in human development in modern history (UNDP, 2005). Fig 1.1 A global view of HIV Infection (UNAIDS, 2008) The current statistics on HIV/AIDS as published by UNAIDS (2008) are: Estimate People living with HIV/AIDS 33.0 million Adults living with HIV/AIDS 30.8 million Women living with HIV/AIDS 15.5 million Children living with HIV/AIDS 2.0 million People newly infected with HIV in 2007 2.7 million Children newly infected with HIV in 2007 0.37 million AIDS deaths in 2007 2.0 million Child AIDS deaths in 2007 0.27 million Fig. 1.2 -Current Statistics on HIV Aids Global Health Communication initiatives for HIV Aids: Education Entertainment Approach: The Soul City, South Africa (Goldstein, Japhet, E.Scheepers, 2004) South Africa even though a developed country had a wretched health care system, mainly due to long years of apartheid practices. In late 1990s Dr Garth Japhet, a young doctor observed this at Alex clinic. He observed that the health communication efforts in South Africa where very slogan based and not sustainable. Bursts of activity like National Aids day were not enough. There was no formative research before planning these campaigns. More over the campaigns followed a Top Down approach, and lacked synergies between medical community, government and media. Soul City was an extensive multi media campaign started in South Africa, due to the efforts of Dr Garth Japhet. The whole campaign was a collection of mass media campaigns which were connected and implemented year on year. There was a 13 part prime time- television series called Soul city, which was accompanied by a 60 episode radio show. Even though content of both these shows was not similar yet they both highlighted same health issues. Later on printed IEC material was also developed and distributed based on the characters of Soul City. These booklets were also reviewed by 11 top newspapers of the country. Through 1994 to 1999 five series of Soul city were broadcasted. These were consisted rated as top three most watched drama series in South Africa. The Radio program also got very high listenership ratings. Formative research and high creative input went into designing the IEC material which was targeted uniquely to adults and young population. The key to success of Soul City multimedia program was use of media conversion, from print to radio to television. This encouraged inter-personal discussions about health issues. Learning: Locally developed content which has quality entertainment works well For a multimedia educational model to succeed it should return value to all the stake holders Media advocacy leads to policy and social change A continual and integrated multimedia strategy is necessary if the effect of communication has to be sustained. Against Stigma: ACT UP, United States of America (Documents archive/Act Up explained) Stigma is a problem which plagues every country and becomes a very important factor in HIV + people seeking help and coming out in public .The Aids Coalition to unleash power , is one such organisation which attempts to remove this stigma through bold and creative action. They boldly use their slogan Silence = Death which urges people to speak up about HIV and Aids. They seek to normalize talks about condoms and Aids by radical action like sticking posters on telephone booths which say this telephone has been touched by a person with Aids Public demonstrations at churches, baseball fields, Wall Street etc are held to imply that Aids is everybodys business. Once during a Sunday sermon session in New York the ACT UP activists did staged a mass die in outside to highlight the bishops silence on Aids. ACT UP activists use linguistic symbols to make strong statements like -No, Glove No Love and Aids is no ball game. These were used as places like Shea baseball stadium. Learning: ACT UP founder Larry Kramer studied the fight against stigma by Mahatma Gandhi and Dr Martin Luther King and suitably adapted it for modern day audience Use of creative and clutter breaking ideas helps discussion and normalization of sensitive issues like stigma Use of public demonstration, Sit ins and Die ins helps create buzz and social change. Health communication efforts for HIV Aids in India: The National Aids Control Program (UNAIDS, 2008): Every State in India has an Aids prevention and Control Society which under supervision from NACO carries out local initiatives. The second Stage of National Aids control program (NACP) ended on March 2006.This focussed on various platforms to promote youth education about safe sex, safe blood donation and HIV testing. Various platforms like Street plays, concerts, national aids day, TV and radio spots, and celebrity endorsements were utilised. Use of teachers and peer group influencers was done to disseminate knowledge about HIV aids The third stage of NACP will have a strong focus on condom promotion. The installation of over 11,000 condom vending machines in colleges, road-side restaurants, stations, gas stations and hospitals has been done. With support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the government has also initiated a campaign called Condom Bindas Bol!, which involves advertising, public events and celebrity endorsements. It aims to break the taboo that currently surrounds condom use in India, and to persuade people that they should not be embarrassed to buy them. (Shhhhnot anymore!) Various multi-media campaigns have been implemented in India to create awareness about HIV. These include special communication programs to target special audience like sex workers, truck drivers, and street children. Radio programs are broadcasted on a regular basis to disseminate information. Field publicity units, Drama and song division has been set up to target rural India. Aids hotlines with around 1097 toll free numbers have been set up in major cities of India. A very successful program has been the University Talk Aids (UTA program), which covered 4,044 institutions in India and reached out to 3.5 million students. The program was implemented by National Service Scheme with assistance from WHO and NACO.Independent evaluation suggested that the program was highly successful in creating a healthy attitude about sex among young children  ­Communication regarding Condom promotion: Social marketing of Condoms combined with free distribution has been used to promote usage among general public as well as high risk groups. Department of Family welfare has been instrumental in distribution and supply of condoms. Family Health Awareness Campaign This campaign was focussed on creating awareness about RTI and STI among the general public as well as the field level functionaries. This campaign is organised annually in rural as well as urban slum areas. (Shaukat Mohammed, 2003) Reaching Special Audiences: Reaching Men who have Sex with men (MSM): Case Study Naz foundation Trust of India: (Rakesh, 2002) Background: India with a very high population runs the risks of very high PLHA even if a low prevalence rate of HIV is present. Even though most sources of infection are through hetero-sexual sex yet in certain areas like north -eastern India, IDU becomes a dominant factor for HIV transmission. Strategy: The Naz foundation was set up in 1994 to address sexual health issues of MSM, women, truck drivers and PLHA. The key communication objectives were: Communication about modes of transmission Prevention and risk reducing strategies Means of accessing treatment The intervention strategies utilised were: Community outreach: Nine outreach sites which were staffed with officers who provided information on safe sexual health practices, condom usage and provided referrals STI referrals: A non judgemental approach to STI risk patients was followed. STI clinics were set up with a MSM friendly physicians Social and Group meetings: support groups were formed to help MSM and create a freer environment for information interchange Counseling:Telephone hot lines and personal counselling was set up to address MSM concerns Results: The implementation of Naz foundation strategies was evaluated and it showed a number of positive results. An increase from 11 % to 43% for all time condom usage ,the STI clinic visits increased from 24% to 56%, and condom usage by male sex workers increased from 20% to 43 % Learning: Naz foundation realized that in order to reach out to special audiences tailored solutions are necessary. Some risk groups like female partners of MSMs are very difficult to reach and hence intensive efforts are needed in this area. Reaching out to Injecting Drug Users (IDU): Case Study IDUs in New Delhi India (Dorabjee, 1998) Background: In some cities of India like New Delhi the HIV prevalence rate among IDU users is as high as 85%.The Indian NGO Sharan has been working for IDU since 1979,and has done some breakthrough work in this area.(AIDS Analysis Asia ,1996). Strategy: IDU were motivated to join either drug substitution therapy which involved substituting drug injections to oral drug usage or needle exchange program where the registered IDU users vouched to stop exchanging needles during drug usage. The reason behind the success of this program was that it managed to develop a strong trust among IDU users because it employed recovering drug users as outreach workers. Constant feedback was sought from them and the program was modified accordingly. The IEC approaches used were counselling, peer education, information on sexual transmission of HIV aids, condom distribution and drug use prevention programs. Results: 33 % of registered IDU started taking oral drugs instead of Injections 21% stopped sharing needles Use of advocacy resulted in government accepting the use of harm reduction strategies for IDU users Learning: Political support is necessary for the success of any IEC project on sensitive issues. This can be influenced through strong advocacy Incorporating feedbacks by outreach workers and IDU can significantly increase the impact of the campaign A range of clinical, social and communication services are required to meet the purpose of HIV prevention among IDU users Addressing the mobile population: Case Study the Trucker Population of India (Bhoruka, 2001) There are about 50 million trucker population in India, who spend around ten months away from home. Around 70% of these engage in unprotected extra marital sex (UNAIDS, 2006).HIV infection is high in this segment along with a high STI danger. A major obstacle is that these truck drivers do not use condoms for road side sex as it regarded as a re-creational activity. Strategy: The Bhoruka public welfare trust (BPWT), attempted to reach these truck drivers through free tea parlours set up at 5 main route stops in India. These tea parlours offered a meeting ground for the truck drivers and offered tea, newspaper, TV and other forms of entertainment. However no prostitution or drugs were encouraged. Condoms, clinical counselling and STI medical referrals were offered at a subsidised rate. The most important aspect was focus on peer education and counselling. As these truck drivers discussed about their life, peer educators gave them counselling and information. Parking lots were used as another reaching stop where peer educator gave out condoms and IEC material. This program became so successful that various truck drivers themselves became informal peer educators. The tea-shops were also managed by truck drivers or sex workers. Informal truck driver peer educators were later trained and given certificates to become formal peer educators and work in these tea shops. Small motivational incentives like bags and pens were also offered to these truck drivers as well as informal peer educators. Results: Every tea centre reaches out to close to 48,000 people annually, provides subsidised treatment to 2,200 patients .Fifty percent of these patients are treated for STIs Around 200 truck drivers had been trained as peer educators by the year 2000 The condom social marketing component of this program was very successful, with steady increase in condom sales. Till 2000 there were 104,832 sold and 162 active condom distribution set up. Learning: A high level of motivation should be maintained amongst the peer learning groups. Its important to have support of all the stakeholders for the success of any ICE program. Poliomyelitis (polio) Poliomyelitis (polio) is a highly infectious viral disease, which mainly affects young children. The virus is transmitted through contaminated food and water, and multiplies in the intestine, from where it can invade the nervous system. Many infected people have no symptoms, but do excrete the virus in their faeces, hence transmitting infection to others. Initial symptoms of polio include fever, fatigue, headache, vomiting, stiffness in the neck, and pain in the limbs. In a small proportion of cases, the disease causes paralysis, which is often permanent. Polio can only be prevented by immunization (World Health Organisation) Global Case load: Polio Polio cases have decreased by over 99% since 1988, from an estimated 350 000 cases in more than 125 endemic countries then, to 1997 reported cases in 2006. In 2008, only parts of four countries in the world remain endemic for the disease the smallest geographic area in history. In 1994, the World Health Organization (WHO) Region of the Americas (36 countries) was certified polio-free, followed by Western Pacific Region (37 countries and areas including China) in 2000 and the WHO European Region (51 countries) in June 2002. In 2007, more than 400 million children were immunized in 27 countries during 164 supplementary immunization activities (SIAs). Globally, polio surveillance is at historical highs, as represented by the timely detection of cases of acute flaccid paralysis. Persistent pockets of polio transmission in northern India, northern Nigeria and the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan are key epidemiological challenges. As long as a single child remains infected with polio, children in all countries are at risk of contracting the disease. The poliovirus can easily be imported into a polio-free country and can spread rapidly among unimmunised populations. Between 2003 and 2005, 25 previously polio-free countries were re-infected due to importations. The four polio-endemic countries are Afghanistan, India, Nigeria and Pakistan. Global Health Communication efforts for Pulse Polio: Strategic communication efforts in Afghanistan (Rafiqi, 2004) The Pulse polio eradication program of Afghanistan faced stiff challenges due to illiteracy, resistance, inaccessibility and worsening security conditions. Strategic approach for Polio health communication in Afghanistan focussed on advocacy, social mobilization, communication to support the program and training. Advocacy was achieved by involving top leaders at every program launch, and getting them involved at all levels by sharing epidemiological data. Social mobilization through involvement of religious leaders, mosque and prayer announcements, and inter-personal communication. Television and Radio was also utilized. Communication to support the program was achieved through district and community based forums which encouraged discussions, dedicated community specific social mobilization workers were employed and training was given to Imams and other religious leaders. Print media was used effectively for brochures, banners and leaflets. Learning: Its a challenge to shift the focus of health communication from campaign type to sustainable communication Advocacy at highest level is instrumental to success of the campaign Use of local facilities like mosques, bazaars, mobile loudspeakers etc lead to effective social mobilization Appropriate mix of print and radio can effectively reach mobile population Establish strong relationship with religious leaders Promote health education through health facilities as well as private practitioners Ensure all factions of community are involved including women Polio immunization efforts through public health education efforts in West Africa. (African Science Academy Development Initiative (ASADI), 2005) Nigeria faced a major challenge when polio vaccination was stalled in northern areas due to huge negative controversy in local as well international media regarding the safety of these oral medicines. Moreover allot of trusted religious leaders also spoke out against the vaccine. To fight this drastic loss of acceptance of Oral Polio Vaccine (OPV), a strong communication plan was developed with the objective that each child should get OPV drops.This was achieved through heightened advocacy through large scale public flag offs of campaigns, direct involvement of the president, working with the private companies including telecom companies, and engagement of religious as well as community networks. To focus on community education community mobilizers were assigned to high risk area, traditional media like street theatre, town criers, mobile cinema and folk songs were utilized. Mass media like TV spots and radio jingles were also integrated Effective use of Media for behaviour change was used. This included broadcasting in national languages, special programs for minority groups, projection of human interest stories to create positive dialogue, folk media, community theatre and mobile cinema followed by dialogue. Success of this campaign can be determined by the fact that the demand for immunization and OPV drops substantially increased. The OPV controversy was effectively resolved, along with support from key stake holders. Learning: Behaviour Change through public education and integrated mass and traditional campaigns can effectively result in more demand and acceptance of polio immunization. Health communication efforts for Polio: India Reducing resistance and increasing community dialogue: Meerut, Uttar Pradesh (United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) India, 2007) Meerut is one of the regions of Uttar -Pradesh which is seen as high risk for the polio endemic. A highly innovative social mobilization campaign was implemented in Meerut, which involved: Use of distinct influencers; Three teams of 35 Urdu teachers,24 kirana store owners and Hajis (people who have completed Haj pilgrimage )were involved in these teams. Close to 25,000 primary schools were approached on republic day, to educate the children, inform them of the dates of immunisation so that better participation is achieved. Mosques were approached to educate the community. Their participation increase from 61% in January 2007 to 74% in February 2007. Meetings on a regular basis were conducted with mothers and daughter in laws, to discuss polio and child health issues. Booklets were published which contained poems written by local influential poets. These boosted the morale of health workers and also worked as strong advocacy measure. Due to these innovative techniques Meerut recorded the lowest no. of resistant households in Uttar Pradesh in 2007. Learning: Polio needs to be incorporated as a part of overall child health program . Consistent, open and on-going dialogue with all factions of community is necessary. Use of innovative techniques to create interest: Polio Joker (Kher, 2007) Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), hired Manchanda Jha to dress up as a joker and attract kids to polio booths .He sings songs about polio, does tricks, engages children and gives information about the importance of polio drops alongside.When dances and sings Chal chale polio boothpe hum sathiyoon, chalke do boondh jeevan ke le sathiyon the children are not only humoured but also an important message has been delivered. He became so successful that he came to be called Polio Joker popularly. He has been instrumental in reaching out to care-givers and kids in slum areas. This program was implemented for three years and has very high recall value. Learning: New entertaining techniques need to be implemented if communication has to reach children Communication methods should be tailored to meet the needs of high risk areas. Rationale of the research Health status of a country is influenced by a number of factors like food, water, income, sanitation, education and accessibility to health care services. Health communication campaigns and health services dont exist in a vacuum but are influenced by external socio-economic, cultural and factors. These factors play an important part on how health information education and communication campaigns are designed, implemented and finally received by the target audience. These factors also influence policies, resource allocation, technology, training of medical staff and communication strategies used. These in turn shape the health services system of a particular region. Studies which have documented the health communication efforts have restricted themselves to an analysis at national level. It will be not surprising to find that in a complex nation like India various sub-systems exist, and every sub-system might influence the message in its own way. HIV AIDS and Polio are two major health concerns faced by Indian population. On-going and consistent efforts are made to educate people regarding these. However again within a geographic sub-system people might react and respond both these campaigns in a differential manner owing to a variety of factors like sensitivity of the issue, complexity of the message and stigma. Through this study I wish to explore these factors which affect the impact of health communication campaigns of HIV Aids and Polio, in a geographic sub-system. Research Objectives: Through the analysis of the literature review and recommendation of my guide the following research objectives have been identified: To understand the health communication processes and initiatives undertaken for HIV Aids and Polio prevention/care at a sub-system, grass root level. To identify factors which lead to an differential impact of these health communication campaigns To suggest improvements ,if possible, to current health communication practices followed in the geographic sub-system Research Areas: Health communication campaigns which will be studied extensively are: Against HIV-Aids: These will include the communication efforts in the area of prevention (transmission through mother to child, sexual transmission and primary prevention) and against stigma. Against Pulse Polio: Campaigns for polio education and routine immunisation will be studied. This study aims to understand the use of traditional media, electronic and human channel employed at the grass root level. What are the problems faced in implementation, what are the intermediary factors which affect them, and what measures are taken to combat these problems. An evaluation of these campaigns will also be conducted based on how much has the target audience been receptive to them, and responded by either positive action or behaviour change. Ultimately both these campaigns will be compared and contrasted to arrive at the differentiating factors which impact the outcome of these. Research Methodology: Phase One An extensive secondary research will be done to establish a foundation for the primary research. The literature review provides certain learning about different methods of strategic health communication. This learning will be taken forward to secondary research where the focus will be kept on the grass root health communication initiatives undertaken in the chosen sub-system. In addition a case study method will be employed to shape up the key focus areas for the primary research. Phase two This phase will consist of primary research will be essentially qualitative and exploratory in nature. The purpose of this type of research methodology is to generate basic knowledge on relevant areas, discover associated factors, and identify information gaps. Data collection and Analysis: Secondary research will consist of data collection from online sources, medical and communication journals as well as reports. Various performance reports and internal documents which are generated at the primary sub-system level will also be looked into gather data. Expert In-depth interviews will be conducted to gain more understanding on the subject. It is important to note that the interviews will be open -ended and flexible to generate maximum insights. These interviews will involve extensive probing and will utilize the technique of laddering, An interview guideline will however be prepared for a comprehensive and systematic execution. Similar technique of in-depth interviews will also be employed to collect information from target audience regarding the appeal of the campaigns. The reason why in-depth-interviews will be used over other methods of data collection is: It is flexible It provides in-depth information about areas to be covered Since the area of study is very specialised it provides scope for clarification Some of the issues which needs to be discussed are personal in nature, a face to face and private discussion is necessary Like other techniques, this tool also suffers from certain limitations. It is prone to bias and largely depend on the skill of the interviewer. It is an expensive technique, can be time consuming and responses may be difficult to interpret. The structure of the interview is not clearly defined unlike a survey and so same questions may not be asked to all the respondents Area of Study: The chosen geographical sub-system for the primary research is Aligarh in UP. The reasons behind this are the following: Northern UP has a relatively high prevalence rate of HIV AIDS Its one of the few areas in India which is still Polio Endemic Familiarity with the local language Initial contacts are available Timeframe of the study: Phase one-: November till mid-December 2009 Phase two/primary research: Mid December to January 2010 Sampling: Sampling universe consists of all the experts in the area of the study, and the population to which the health communica

Child Abuse Interventions Within Black African Families

Child Abuse Interventions Within Black African Families Introduction Child abuse within Black African families is an important topic which has been given extensive attention in British social work research and literature to date. However, only a limited research on child abuse in African families have really considered the impact of socio-economic factors on social work interventions since the inception of the Children Act 1989 (England and Wales). Now the question is why is the issue of socio-economic status of West African families living in the UK an important factor to consider in social work intervention in child abuse cases? My aim in addressing this topic is that research works and literature show that Black children and their families are more likely than whites to be subjected to unnecessary child abuse interventions by social work agencies and other professionals (Bernard Gupta, 2006). Recent research show that in all groups, black children were over-represented on the child protection register under the category of poor parenting behaviour leading to all forms of abuse compared to white children (Bernard Gupta, 2006). This may also be seen within the context of the pathologization of Black families which, incorporates the view that black people, their socio-economic lifestyles are inherently problematic and need correcting (Singh 2006, p. 19) and therefore social workers may intervene unnecessarily in such families. Social workers on the contrary may hesitate to intervene with Black families due to being unsure whether certain parenting behaviours resulting from low socio-economic status are really an abuse or not. The potential consequences of such approach for Black families will be either that the children and their families will be unnecessarily investigated under the child protection system and may be subject to court orders, admitted to local authority care, and/or adopted, or that there will not be appropriate intervention by social workers for black children at risk of significant harm, and therefore children may continue to be harmed or even die. This is evident in recent years, where the vulnerability of some black African children in Britain has been highlighted by the tragic deaths of two African children: Victoria Climbià © (Laming, 2003) and the young boy known as Adam, whose torso was found floating in the River Thames (Sale, 2005). Also more recently, media reports of possible ‘ritual abuse of African children in Britain were fuelled by the criminal prosecution in relation to Child ‘B, who was physically abused because it was believed she was a ‘kindoki a victim of witchcraft possessed by the devil (Tendler and Woolcock, 2005; Thompson, 2005). In a broader context Socio-economic status is defined as: ‘a composite measure that typically incorporate economic status, which is measured by income; social status, measured by education; and work status, measured by occupation (Dulton Levine, 1989, p.30). The three indicators are interrelated but not fully overlapping variables. In this context socio-economic status is considered in terms of economic status, defined as low income or poverty. The difficulties for majority of West African Black families who are mainly asylum seekers from poverty-stricken and war-torn countries now living in the UK are not confined only to how they may be viewed by social workers involved in child care but significantly by their child-rearing differences arising from their socio-economic backgrounds (Beranard Gupta 2006). The Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families (Department of Health, 2000) based on the ecological approach places a requirement on social workers to consider families histories, cultural and socio-economic status. Therefore the low socio-economic status of many West African families living in the UK is one big challenge for social work professionals working to safeguard and protect these children from abuse from parents responsible for their care. Therefore key information from the literature will be discussed to explore a number of issues that will help social work professionals to deploy the most appropriate and effective method of social work interventions in child abuse cases with West African families in poverty so as to protect these children from all forms of abuse. Moreover, difficulties in social work intervention in child abuse cases may arise, as explained by Korbin (2004), because the process of assessing a child abuse case is complex and parent al behaviours and child outcomes may not be the same in different socio-economic settings. Henceforth, child abuse within West African families can risk reproducing stereotypes of this ethnic minority as ‘deficient, thus fostering pathological viewpoint of African family relationships (Platt, 2005). This raises the question of how can social work practices direct attention to pertinent socio-economic issues framing the experiences of West African children at risk of significant harm, yet not to reproduce ideas of all West African families as deficient. These complex circumstances make social work intervention a major challenge in recent times and therefore, calls for a new perspective in terms of skills, knowledge and conceptual tools to distinguish between the styles of parenting that differ from those of the majority culture, but at the same time safeguarding and protecting children from significant harm. The dissertation has built its theoretical framework on social work theory, policy and practice and will use key conceptual framework from the social-contextual approaches to intervention. The methodology for this work was mainly qualitative and the literature search has been obtained from primary and secondary sources. The dissertation will lay out various issues regarding the social work intervention processes used for West African families with low socio-economic status. The first chapter provides literature on black African children and the child protection system. Chapter two provides a discussion on the increased complexity of social work intervention in child abuse cases involving West African families with low socio-economic status. It also analyse how socio-economic factors cultivate a particular parenting behaviours that impact on social work interventions and thus, bringing West African children living in the UK into the child protection arena. Then chapter three draws on legislations and policies regulating social work practices in the UK. It examines social work practices required to provide competent social work interventions in child abuse cases among West African families and at the same time would not compromise children safety and protection. Chapter four critically analyse the methods of interventions available to social workers to use in effecting positive change in black African community. Finally chapter five discusses the implicat ions of social work intervention made by social work professionals among West African families of low socio-economic status. Chapter one Black African Children And Child Protection Systems The Prevalence Of Black Children On Child Protection Systems There are a number of recent studies on Black families and the child protection system which suggest that these families are disproportionately represented at different levels in the child protection system. Gibbons et al (2005) study looked at the operation of the child protection system in eight local authorities in Britain. A part of their study looked at the racial background of the referred families and they found that Black families were over-represented compared with White families on referrals involving physical injury (58% vs. 42%). Black families were also more often referred for using an implement to inflict the physical injury. The researchers argue that this finding illustrates parenting differences in child-rearing, and the difficulty of deciding what forms of physical punishments are ‘acceptable in Britain. They continued to report that the consequences of the injuries inflicted on the Black children were no more likely to be long-lasting, but what seemed unaccep table for the people who referred these children to social services was the form the punishment took. This research study raises an interesting point about child-rearing and parenting differences. Is it the case that Black families, as part of their culture of child-rearing stemming from their poverty status, use physical punishment more as a means of discipline than White families? A recent study by Ellis (2007) found that some West African parents adopted a harsh disciplinary approach with their children as they believe there is no other alternative way of instilling discipline in their children. But the vast people of the majority ethnic community could use options like keeping playing toys away from the children or not taking the children on a holiday and/or depriving them of visiting their friends as a form of instilling disciplining in the children. Ellis (2007) also noted that these punishments are likely to be meted out in a fairly public situation and, though they may be painful, they are unlikely to get out of hand and go beyond what is culturally acceptable. This would appear to support Gibbon et al (2005) findings that the consequences of the injuries to the Black children in their study were not likely to be long-lasting. Another research study by Gibbon Wilding (2005) looked at three local authorities, two of which had significant populations of Black families. One of their findings indicate that referrals around inadequate supervision of children in the two authorities show that a significant number of children referrals came from Black families with low income status than black families with medium/high income status. It could be argued that families with low income status have to strive hard to make ends means by engaging in two or more menial jobs to financially sustain the family. As a result children are inadequately supervised by the very people who are responsible for their care. Considering this kind of socio-economic circumstances, Gibbon Wilding (2005) question whether such referrals should be considered within the child protection framework, or whether it would be better to provide welfare interventions and services for such families under the children in need Act (The Children Act 1989 , England and Wales, S.17). This finding has a number of possible implications for West African children and their families, it may mean that they will remain in the child protection system for longer whilst the necessary services are identified and implemented; or perhaps that assessments and intervention services are provided but are not socio-economically sensitive, and therefore only serve to disadvantage families further. Furthermore, as part of their study, they found that proportionately more Black children were subject to child abuse investigations than White children. They found that of all the children in their study sample on the register, 60% were Black. A possible reason for this over-representation was that social work professionals working with the families had no or little understanding of the socio-economic backgrounds of these black African families (Barn et al. 2007). The researchers also found that White social workers and practitioners emphasized their lack of socio-economic awareness as a weakness when working with Black families, whilst Black social workers and practitioners argued that poverty and ethnicity were not adequately taken into account due to euro-centric child protection procedures. One might speculate whether the parents/guardians of these children refuse to cooperate with social service agencies or whether these agencies are taking a heavy-handed approach, perhaps have pathological approach towards such families. Further data shows that the number of African children in need in the sample week in 2005 is 8,000 (Department for Education and Skills, 2006a). This figure accounts for 3 per cent of the overall total, which is an over-representation inferring from the 2001 census where African children makes up 1.4 per cent of the population. A number of studies indicate that most families of children in need, regardless of ethnicity, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of poverty (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). Many West African children in need will not be drawn into the child protection system, if they are made to receive voluntary welfare support services. Thoburn et al.s (2005) review of the research into the nature and outcomes of child welfare services for black children concluded that African children are almost twice as likely to be looked after than the white majority children in the population as a whole, which then suggest, that some of these children will be accommoda ted under section 20 of the 1989 Children Act, by virtue of being raised by families of low socio-economic status. Beranard and Gupta (2006) found that in relation to the reasons for African children being involved in the child protection system, no official national data are collected on ethnicity and reasons for referral or registration on the child protection register (Department for Education and Skills, 2006b). Research data paint a complex and often contradictory picture and once again the information is often aggregated with data on other minority ethnic children. Brophy et al.s (2003) study, which separated data on different minority ethnic families, highlights an increase complexity in the cases involving African children and found that many involved ‘multiple concerns and allegations about parental behaviour. Arguably, there are a number of contributory factors which could be perceived as important in understanding the involvement of West African families with social work agencies and the resultant over-representation of their children in public care and in the child protection system. Broadly speaking, these range from poverty and social exclusion, to child abuse and neglect, poor social work assessments and intervention, and overt and covert racism. The Government Policies And Initiatives The Commission for Racial Equalitys submission to the DFES/HM Treasury Joint Policy Review on children and young people identifies a number of shortcomings of some government policy initiatives such as Sure Start (CRE, 2006). As is the case with many other government policy initiatives, it is expected that Sure Start Centres will be responsive to black minority ethnic needs and concerns. The commitment of such policies is questioned when there is ‘no race equality impact assessment of the Childcare Act 2006 and only a brief mention of black ethnic minority families in the ten-year childcare strategy (CRE, 2006, p. 10). Whilst black ethnic monitoring of children in care, in need and on the child protection register now takes place at regional and national levels, there is little evidence that such information is utilized for policy and planning purposes to effect positive change. It is evident that race and welfare policy has been constrained by parochial perspectives which have tended to focus on how to deal with those in the system. For example, the policy and practice debate on ethnicity and substitute family placements diverts attention from preventive services which could help to obviate the admission of minority children into care in the first place. Similarly, preventive methods of intervention with West African families, such as Family Group Conferences, and systemic practice, as well as particular approaches such as kinship care, are less well developed (Broad and Skinner, 2005; Farmer and Moyers, 2005). Chapter Two Poverty, West African Families And Child Proctection Poverty And Child Protection All families and children for whom social work intervention is likely to be needed are also more than most subject to a range of social and economic problems and barriers. One major factor is chronic poverty which is often associated with unemployment or immigration, ethnic minority, or a single parent family. Poverty often goes hand in hand with other disadvantages and obstacles such as poor educational and employment opportunities, poor parenting, and allegations of child abuse cases. Many West African families and children problems are exacerbated by the interaction between socio-economic factors and their individual impairments and family situations. Unemployment levels are very high among West African families, who are also subject to stigma and prejudice on the part of the community. West African families living in the UK without jobs and no access to benefit and/or dependent on benefits find it hard to access credit. Poor children growing up in single-parent families suffer se rious parental disadvantage, which in turn result into social work interventions. Poverty as we all know is not even-handed. The chances of experiencing poverty are far higher with people from West Africa than with white people (Amin Oppenheim 2002). Institutional oppression is suffered by many West African people in many areas including housing ( Amin Oppenheim 2002), employment ( Chakrabarti et al. 2000), welfare state ( Sadiq-Sangster 2001), education and health which not only means that they are more likely to experience poverty and deprivation, but may also make them more susceptible to social work interventions in terms of child protection. Indeed one may expect Black children to be over-represented in child abuse statistics because their families are more open to surveillance as a result of figuring highly among indices of deprivation (Corby 1993, p.69). The relationship between poverty and child abuse has been broadly established (Thobum et al. 1993; Gibbons et al. 2005). Arguments favour the impact of poverty on child abuse shows an increasing number of child protection allegations referred into the system, and second was the proportion of cases leading to social work interventions and/or other forms of services. Numbers entering the system were hard to quantify. Whilst they showed an increase in registrations up to 1991 (Gibbons et al., 1995), no national records had been kept about referrals, and differences in recording practices and interpretation were widespread. Regarding proportional figures, the discussion was on slightly safer ground. A key finding from the 2005 research studies show that a large number of children were entered into the child protection system compared with those who were subject to social welfare procedures. Of a total number of child protection referrals, around 75 per cent were investigated and intervened, 25 per cent were subject to a child protection conference and only 15 per cent had their names placed on the child pr otection register as a result (Gibbons et al., 2005). Consequently, it was argued that the child protection ‘net was picking up too many cases inappropriately. This finding undermines the government aim of keeping children with families and reducing the number of children that enter the child protection register. On the contrast, it is important to consider the effectiveness of the child protection system. Broadly, it seemed to be achieving as much as could be expected in terms of the limited aim of preventing further abuse to identifiable children. There are, however, identifiable shortcomings of the child protection system. Social work interventions appeared to have quite traumatic effects on families (Department of Health, 1995), often generating anxiety and uncertainty for either children or parents, or both (Farmer and Owen, 2005). Poverty And Child Welfare Services Research shows that the poverty experienced by many West African families may be better met through preventative measures rather than child protection ones. Yet despite section 17 of the Children Act 1989, which places a duty on the local authority social workers to provide support for children in need, many social services children and family teams, barely have sufficient resources to meet their duties under child welfare and children looked after. However, unless these issues are tackled, West African families who need support for their children will receive it only when there is an issue of child protection. Furthermore, using socio-economic variables such as poverty as a predictor of high-risk families (Greenland 1997) fails to acknowledge the part prejudice plays for Black people. Consequently, these indicators of child abuse are seen as failings of the individual rather than the product of social inequality (Jones 2004). A number of studies have indicated that most West African families, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of material and emotional adversity (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). For instance West African families cannot take their children on a holiday trip or meet their wishes and wants. Brophy et al.s (2003) study suggests that immigration and asylum issues, combined with financial problems, are likely to be reasons for the increased complexity for social work professionals assessing and intervening child abuse cases involving West African children. The child protection system that exists in Britain will be unfamiliar to many West African families, especially those who recently arrived, as similar state systems do not exist in most West African countries, particularly where socio-economic factors overshadow intra-familial child maltreatment and intervention into child abuse and neglect (Lachman et al., 2002; Pierce and Bozalek, 2004). Brophy et al.s (2003) study conclud es that many black West African parents saw social work assessment and intervention in child welfare cases as a complete anathema and distrust, especially where parents migrate from countries in political turmoil and where there is no existence of child welfare services. There is also concern about the quality of social workers interventions in child abuse cases. For example, it is shown that investigations of alleged child abuse tended to focus on risk assessment rather than assessment leading to social work interventions of the needs of the whole child (Thoburn et al., 2007). In particular, social workers carrying out an investigation might not pick up problems emanating from poverty or social deprivation (Farmer and Owen, 2005). However, at least superficially, social work interventions appear to contrast with section 17 responses, where research reveals high levels of satisfaction amongst parents and children receiving social work services (Colton et al., 1995; Tunstill and Aldg ate, 2000). Thus, if allegations were minor, it was suggested that the costs to families were unacceptably high, and it was by no means clear that interventions, as a social work response, was better or worse than other options. Engaging in social welfare policy addresses low socio-economic status through intervention aimed at promoting social change, while intervention aimed at the poor family or individual addresses poverty at the micro level by helping those in need to develop better coping strategies. The argument that the social work mission of pursuing social change and dealing with poverty cannot be attained by micro practice has been the source of strong and recurrent criticism against the dominance of micro practice in social work although Hugman (2008) questions the truism of this argument (Asquith et al 2005). The relationship between the mission of social work with regard to poverty and the type of social work practised poses a dilemma for social workers. A particular challenge for social work services is how to work to the required standards regarding thresholds for assessment and intervention with West African families with low socio-economic background and to safeguard and promote childrens we lfare (Platt, 2005). Poverty And Parenting Practices The literature suggest that poverty among black West African families affect the life chances of many African children and the capacity of their parents to provide adequate care and this should be considered in social work assessment and interventions involving child abuse cases. The relationship between values and child up bringing patterns illuminates the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours (Shor, 2000). Shor (2000) suggests that parents from low social class differ in terms of the values they uphold for their children and this impact on child upbringing. It is also found that there is correlation between black African mothers with low income status using a more authoritarian approach of caring for children than mothers with high income status. Shors (2000) underpin the relationship between values and child-bearing patterns which illuminate the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours. He suggests that parents from divers e social class differ in terms of what characteristics they value most for their children and that these differences in value contribute to differences in parenting behaviour. This variation in child-rearing attitudes based on socio-economic variables was underpinned by Shaefer and Edgerton (1995). In order to develop a sensitive knowledge of child abuse, not only across culture but also across socio-economic contexts, it is possible to draw upon knowledge from studies that look at the parenting patterns of black parents with low income. In families it is the children to whom social workers owe the greater duty of care. Children can be clear about what they need. There may be tensions between childrens needs and wishes, parents needs and wishes, the views and wishes of the wider family, of the community, other professionals, and with the requirements of the law, regulation and procedure. Even where the decision is to remove a child from a family the way social workers conduct their business can make a difference. Thus social work has to respond to parental needs- financial and social, for the sake of the children, but may need to abandon them to maintain the primacy of the childs welfare. The consequences of getting the balance wrong in either direction expose both black African children and parents to suffering and pain. Sometimes the nature of the socio-economic issue will demand decisions that appear to undermine that commitment of not putting children at risk of significant harm. Social workers have to take the decision and maintain the commitment. The Government Regulatory Policies And Poverty By the 21st century, there was a growing view that many West African children who were subjects of section 47 investigations were also eligible for services as children in need (section 17 of the 1989 Children Act). Often, such children did not receive these welfare services because of the apparent incident driven focus of child protection services. One way forward in these circumstances was to encourage local authority social work teams to conduct initial assessments, rather than child protection investigations, in borderline cases, with a view to finding less intrusive forms of social work intervention practice that address the wider developmental needs of the child. Procedures supporting such changes were first introduced by local authorities independently, and were subsequently incorporated into government guidance in England, with the expectation that all referrals of children would first be offered an initial assessment except in emergency cases or where it is suspected that a crime has been committed (Department of Health, 1999). Concurrently, a detailed framework was issued regarding the assessment of all children in need (Department of Health, 2000). The now familiar Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families was based on an ecological model of assessment, and included supporting pro formas covering the initial assessment period. Platt, (2000) in his study on refocusing initiative attracted a degree of criticism. For many health and social work professionals, there was concern that serious child protection issues might not receive an adequate response if handled outside child protection procedures (Calder and Hackett, 2003). A key factor here would be whether cases can be switched successfully from family support back into child protection—an issue that has given cause for concern over a number of years (Laming, 2003). Parton (1996) criticized the recommendations of Messages from Research because they ignored the basic socio-economic reality for many families. Furthermore, cu rrent social expectations may support a formal response to allegations of child abuse and neglect. It is thus unreasonable to expect social workers to act alone since to do so runs counter to the dominant view of wider society. The idea that fewer investigations would mean that resources could simply be transferred to family support services is somewhat naive. The resource problems include the provision of social work time, the provision of adequate family support services, and the need to support a period of change and transition. Few would argue that resourcing levels in any of these respects have been adequate (Calder and Hackett, 2003), and the question of resources was sidestepped almost completely by Messages from Research. The difficulties of implementing such changes were highlighted more recently by Cleaver and Walker (2004) in their research on the impact of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. The role of the state in these processes was also examined critically by Spratt and Callan (2004). They argued that reductions in numbers of children on the child protection register have been achieved largely as a result of modern governance and measures to promote compliance with performance targets. Whilst these achievements are laudable, they suggest, they may serve to obscure ‘underlying tensions in the relationship between the state and the family. The idea of refocusing has been affected by complex, often competing pressures since the introduction of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. Arguably, the death of Victoria Climbià © reinforced a ‘child protection orientation, and may have led, in some areas, to a lowering of the child protection threshold (Laming, 2003). The Laming report, furthermore, draws attention to the professional confusions that arise from the distinctions in practice between sections 17 and 47. In circumstances such as this, the role of the social worker in any changing pattern of provision takes on parti cular importance. Chapter Three Social Work Practices History Of Social Work Practice Social work has its roots in the struggle of society to deal with poverty and the resultant problems. Therefore, social work is intricately linked with the idea of charity work; but must be understood in broader terms. The concept of charity goes back to ancient times, and the practice of providing for the poor has roots in all major world religions (www.globalvision.org. Retrieved on 14/04/2009). The term social work intervention usually describes work undertaken with individuals, families, groups and communities. In this context the term to cover the use of social work knowledge and skills when using it within a social care organisation to facilitate the provision of services and practice consistent with the Codes of Practice and with standards of service and practice, and to promote the social inclusion and life opportunities of people using services. Successful social work includes the capacity to work effectively within organisations and across organisational boundaries. In the vast majority of instances social work intervention is a collective activity not an individual activity whether as social worker employee or an independent social worker. The most common form of methods of social work intervention is Individual or family casework. Here social work is the intervention. It supports the individual or family to identify, and use, their own and their social networks exp erience and expertise as a resource for problems or difficulties may have resulte Child Abuse Interventions Within Black African Families Child Abuse Interventions Within Black African Families Introduction Child abuse within Black African families is an important topic which has been given extensive attention in British social work research and literature to date. However, only a limited research on child abuse in African families have really considered the impact of socio-economic factors on social work interventions since the inception of the Children Act 1989 (England and Wales). Now the question is why is the issue of socio-economic status of West African families living in the UK an important factor to consider in social work intervention in child abuse cases? My aim in addressing this topic is that research works and literature show that Black children and their families are more likely than whites to be subjected to unnecessary child abuse interventions by social work agencies and other professionals (Bernard Gupta, 2006). Recent research show that in all groups, black children were over-represented on the child protection register under the category of poor parenting behaviour leading to all forms of abuse compared to white children (Bernard Gupta, 2006). This may also be seen within the context of the pathologization of Black families which, incorporates the view that black people, their socio-economic lifestyles are inherently problematic and need correcting (Singh 2006, p. 19) and therefore social workers may intervene unnecessarily in such families. Social workers on the contrary may hesitate to intervene with Black families due to being unsure whether certain parenting behaviours resulting from low socio-economic status are really an abuse or not. The potential consequences of such approach for Black families will be either that the children and their families will be unnecessarily investigated under the child protection system and may be subject to court orders, admitted to local authority care, and/or adopted, or that there will not be appropriate intervention by social workers for black children at risk of significant harm, and therefore children may continue to be harmed or even die. This is evident in recent years, where the vulnerability of some black African children in Britain has been highlighted by the tragic deaths of two African children: Victoria Climbià © (Laming, 2003) and the young boy known as Adam, whose torso was found floating in the River Thames (Sale, 2005). Also more recently, media reports of possible ‘ritual abuse of African children in Britain were fuelled by the criminal prosecution in relation to Child ‘B, who was physically abused because it was believed she was a ‘kindoki a victim of witchcraft possessed by the devil (Tendler and Woolcock, 2005; Thompson, 2005). In a broader context Socio-economic status is defined as: ‘a composite measure that typically incorporate economic status, which is measured by income; social status, measured by education; and work status, measured by occupation (Dulton Levine, 1989, p.30). The three indicators are interrelated but not fully overlapping variables. In this context socio-economic status is considered in terms of economic status, defined as low income or poverty. The difficulties for majority of West African Black families who are mainly asylum seekers from poverty-stricken and war-torn countries now living in the UK are not confined only to how they may be viewed by social workers involved in child care but significantly by their child-rearing differences arising from their socio-economic backgrounds (Beranard Gupta 2006). The Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families (Department of Health, 2000) based on the ecological approach places a requirement on social workers to consider families histories, cultural and socio-economic status. Therefore the low socio-economic status of many West African families living in the UK is one big challenge for social work professionals working to safeguard and protect these children from abuse from parents responsible for their care. Therefore key information from the literature will be discussed to explore a number of issues that will help social work professionals to deploy the most appropriate and effective method of social work interventions in child abuse cases with West African families in poverty so as to protect these children from all forms of abuse. Moreover, difficulties in social work intervention in child abuse cases may arise, as explained by Korbin (2004), because the process of assessing a child abuse case is complex and parent al behaviours and child outcomes may not be the same in different socio-economic settings. Henceforth, child abuse within West African families can risk reproducing stereotypes of this ethnic minority as ‘deficient, thus fostering pathological viewpoint of African family relationships (Platt, 2005). This raises the question of how can social work practices direct attention to pertinent socio-economic issues framing the experiences of West African children at risk of significant harm, yet not to reproduce ideas of all West African families as deficient. These complex circumstances make social work intervention a major challenge in recent times and therefore, calls for a new perspective in terms of skills, knowledge and conceptual tools to distinguish between the styles of parenting that differ from those of the majority culture, but at the same time safeguarding and protecting children from significant harm. The dissertation has built its theoretical framework on social work theory, policy and practice and will use key conceptual framework from the social-contextual approaches to intervention. The methodology for this work was mainly qualitative and the literature search has been obtained from primary and secondary sources. The dissertation will lay out various issues regarding the social work intervention processes used for West African families with low socio-economic status. The first chapter provides literature on black African children and the child protection system. Chapter two provides a discussion on the increased complexity of social work intervention in child abuse cases involving West African families with low socio-economic status. It also analyse how socio-economic factors cultivate a particular parenting behaviours that impact on social work interventions and thus, bringing West African children living in the UK into the child protection arena. Then chapter three draws on legislations and policies regulating social work practices in the UK. It examines social work practices required to provide competent social work interventions in child abuse cases among West African families and at the same time would not compromise children safety and protection. Chapter four critically analyse the methods of interventions available to social workers to use in effecting positive change in black African community. Finally chapter five discusses the implicat ions of social work intervention made by social work professionals among West African families of low socio-economic status. Chapter one Black African Children And Child Protection Systems The Prevalence Of Black Children On Child Protection Systems There are a number of recent studies on Black families and the child protection system which suggest that these families are disproportionately represented at different levels in the child protection system. Gibbons et al (2005) study looked at the operation of the child protection system in eight local authorities in Britain. A part of their study looked at the racial background of the referred families and they found that Black families were over-represented compared with White families on referrals involving physical injury (58% vs. 42%). Black families were also more often referred for using an implement to inflict the physical injury. The researchers argue that this finding illustrates parenting differences in child-rearing, and the difficulty of deciding what forms of physical punishments are ‘acceptable in Britain. They continued to report that the consequences of the injuries inflicted on the Black children were no more likely to be long-lasting, but what seemed unaccep table for the people who referred these children to social services was the form the punishment took. This research study raises an interesting point about child-rearing and parenting differences. Is it the case that Black families, as part of their culture of child-rearing stemming from their poverty status, use physical punishment more as a means of discipline than White families? A recent study by Ellis (2007) found that some West African parents adopted a harsh disciplinary approach with their children as they believe there is no other alternative way of instilling discipline in their children. But the vast people of the majority ethnic community could use options like keeping playing toys away from the children or not taking the children on a holiday and/or depriving them of visiting their friends as a form of instilling disciplining in the children. Ellis (2007) also noted that these punishments are likely to be meted out in a fairly public situation and, though they may be painful, they are unlikely to get out of hand and go beyond what is culturally acceptable. This would appear to support Gibbon et al (2005) findings that the consequences of the injuries to the Black children in their study were not likely to be long-lasting. Another research study by Gibbon Wilding (2005) looked at three local authorities, two of which had significant populations of Black families. One of their findings indicate that referrals around inadequate supervision of children in the two authorities show that a significant number of children referrals came from Black families with low income status than black families with medium/high income status. It could be argued that families with low income status have to strive hard to make ends means by engaging in two or more menial jobs to financially sustain the family. As a result children are inadequately supervised by the very people who are responsible for their care. Considering this kind of socio-economic circumstances, Gibbon Wilding (2005) question whether such referrals should be considered within the child protection framework, or whether it would be better to provide welfare interventions and services for such families under the children in need Act (The Children Act 1989 , England and Wales, S.17). This finding has a number of possible implications for West African children and their families, it may mean that they will remain in the child protection system for longer whilst the necessary services are identified and implemented; or perhaps that assessments and intervention services are provided but are not socio-economically sensitive, and therefore only serve to disadvantage families further. Furthermore, as part of their study, they found that proportionately more Black children were subject to child abuse investigations than White children. They found that of all the children in their study sample on the register, 60% were Black. A possible reason for this over-representation was that social work professionals working with the families had no or little understanding of the socio-economic backgrounds of these black African families (Barn et al. 2007). The researchers also found that White social workers and practitioners emphasized their lack of socio-economic awareness as a weakness when working with Black families, whilst Black social workers and practitioners argued that poverty and ethnicity were not adequately taken into account due to euro-centric child protection procedures. One might speculate whether the parents/guardians of these children refuse to cooperate with social service agencies or whether these agencies are taking a heavy-handed approach, perhaps have pathological approach towards such families. Further data shows that the number of African children in need in the sample week in 2005 is 8,000 (Department for Education and Skills, 2006a). This figure accounts for 3 per cent of the overall total, which is an over-representation inferring from the 2001 census where African children makes up 1.4 per cent of the population. A number of studies indicate that most families of children in need, regardless of ethnicity, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of poverty (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). Many West African children in need will not be drawn into the child protection system, if they are made to receive voluntary welfare support services. Thoburn et al.s (2005) review of the research into the nature and outcomes of child welfare services for black children concluded that African children are almost twice as likely to be looked after than the white majority children in the population as a whole, which then suggest, that some of these children will be accommoda ted under section 20 of the 1989 Children Act, by virtue of being raised by families of low socio-economic status. Beranard and Gupta (2006) found that in relation to the reasons for African children being involved in the child protection system, no official national data are collected on ethnicity and reasons for referral or registration on the child protection register (Department for Education and Skills, 2006b). Research data paint a complex and often contradictory picture and once again the information is often aggregated with data on other minority ethnic children. Brophy et al.s (2003) study, which separated data on different minority ethnic families, highlights an increase complexity in the cases involving African children and found that many involved ‘multiple concerns and allegations about parental behaviour. Arguably, there are a number of contributory factors which could be perceived as important in understanding the involvement of West African families with social work agencies and the resultant over-representation of their children in public care and in the child protection system. Broadly speaking, these range from poverty and social exclusion, to child abuse and neglect, poor social work assessments and intervention, and overt and covert racism. The Government Policies And Initiatives The Commission for Racial Equalitys submission to the DFES/HM Treasury Joint Policy Review on children and young people identifies a number of shortcomings of some government policy initiatives such as Sure Start (CRE, 2006). As is the case with many other government policy initiatives, it is expected that Sure Start Centres will be responsive to black minority ethnic needs and concerns. The commitment of such policies is questioned when there is ‘no race equality impact assessment of the Childcare Act 2006 and only a brief mention of black ethnic minority families in the ten-year childcare strategy (CRE, 2006, p. 10). Whilst black ethnic monitoring of children in care, in need and on the child protection register now takes place at regional and national levels, there is little evidence that such information is utilized for policy and planning purposes to effect positive change. It is evident that race and welfare policy has been constrained by parochial perspectives which have tended to focus on how to deal with those in the system. For example, the policy and practice debate on ethnicity and substitute family placements diverts attention from preventive services which could help to obviate the admission of minority children into care in the first place. Similarly, preventive methods of intervention with West African families, such as Family Group Conferences, and systemic practice, as well as particular approaches such as kinship care, are less well developed (Broad and Skinner, 2005; Farmer and Moyers, 2005). Chapter Two Poverty, West African Families And Child Proctection Poverty And Child Protection All families and children for whom social work intervention is likely to be needed are also more than most subject to a range of social and economic problems and barriers. One major factor is chronic poverty which is often associated with unemployment or immigration, ethnic minority, or a single parent family. Poverty often goes hand in hand with other disadvantages and obstacles such as poor educational and employment opportunities, poor parenting, and allegations of child abuse cases. Many West African families and children problems are exacerbated by the interaction between socio-economic factors and their individual impairments and family situations. Unemployment levels are very high among West African families, who are also subject to stigma and prejudice on the part of the community. West African families living in the UK without jobs and no access to benefit and/or dependent on benefits find it hard to access credit. Poor children growing up in single-parent families suffer se rious parental disadvantage, which in turn result into social work interventions. Poverty as we all know is not even-handed. The chances of experiencing poverty are far higher with people from West Africa than with white people (Amin Oppenheim 2002). Institutional oppression is suffered by many West African people in many areas including housing ( Amin Oppenheim 2002), employment ( Chakrabarti et al. 2000), welfare state ( Sadiq-Sangster 2001), education and health which not only means that they are more likely to experience poverty and deprivation, but may also make them more susceptible to social work interventions in terms of child protection. Indeed one may expect Black children to be over-represented in child abuse statistics because their families are more open to surveillance as a result of figuring highly among indices of deprivation (Corby 1993, p.69). The relationship between poverty and child abuse has been broadly established (Thobum et al. 1993; Gibbons et al. 2005). Arguments favour the impact of poverty on child abuse shows an increasing number of child protection allegations referred into the system, and second was the proportion of cases leading to social work interventions and/or other forms of services. Numbers entering the system were hard to quantify. Whilst they showed an increase in registrations up to 1991 (Gibbons et al., 1995), no national records had been kept about referrals, and differences in recording practices and interpretation were widespread. Regarding proportional figures, the discussion was on slightly safer ground. A key finding from the 2005 research studies show that a large number of children were entered into the child protection system compared with those who were subject to social welfare procedures. Of a total number of child protection referrals, around 75 per cent were investigated and intervened, 25 per cent were subject to a child protection conference and only 15 per cent had their names placed on the child pr otection register as a result (Gibbons et al., 2005). Consequently, it was argued that the child protection ‘net was picking up too many cases inappropriately. This finding undermines the government aim of keeping children with families and reducing the number of children that enter the child protection register. On the contrast, it is important to consider the effectiveness of the child protection system. Broadly, it seemed to be achieving as much as could be expected in terms of the limited aim of preventing further abuse to identifiable children. There are, however, identifiable shortcomings of the child protection system. Social work interventions appeared to have quite traumatic effects on families (Department of Health, 1995), often generating anxiety and uncertainty for either children or parents, or both (Farmer and Owen, 2005). Poverty And Child Welfare Services Research shows that the poverty experienced by many West African families may be better met through preventative measures rather than child protection ones. Yet despite section 17 of the Children Act 1989, which places a duty on the local authority social workers to provide support for children in need, many social services children and family teams, barely have sufficient resources to meet their duties under child welfare and children looked after. However, unless these issues are tackled, West African families who need support for their children will receive it only when there is an issue of child protection. Furthermore, using socio-economic variables such as poverty as a predictor of high-risk families (Greenland 1997) fails to acknowledge the part prejudice plays for Black people. Consequently, these indicators of child abuse are seen as failings of the individual rather than the product of social inequality (Jones 2004). A number of studies have indicated that most West African families, struggle to bring up their children in conditions of material and emotional adversity (Department of Health, 1995, 2001). For instance West African families cannot take their children on a holiday trip or meet their wishes and wants. Brophy et al.s (2003) study suggests that immigration and asylum issues, combined with financial problems, are likely to be reasons for the increased complexity for social work professionals assessing and intervening child abuse cases involving West African children. The child protection system that exists in Britain will be unfamiliar to many West African families, especially those who recently arrived, as similar state systems do not exist in most West African countries, particularly where socio-economic factors overshadow intra-familial child maltreatment and intervention into child abuse and neglect (Lachman et al., 2002; Pierce and Bozalek, 2004). Brophy et al.s (2003) study conclud es that many black West African parents saw social work assessment and intervention in child welfare cases as a complete anathema and distrust, especially where parents migrate from countries in political turmoil and where there is no existence of child welfare services. There is also concern about the quality of social workers interventions in child abuse cases. For example, it is shown that investigations of alleged child abuse tended to focus on risk assessment rather than assessment leading to social work interventions of the needs of the whole child (Thoburn et al., 2007). In particular, social workers carrying out an investigation might not pick up problems emanating from poverty or social deprivation (Farmer and Owen, 2005). However, at least superficially, social work interventions appear to contrast with section 17 responses, where research reveals high levels of satisfaction amongst parents and children receiving social work services (Colton et al., 1995; Tunstill and Aldg ate, 2000). Thus, if allegations were minor, it was suggested that the costs to families were unacceptably high, and it was by no means clear that interventions, as a social work response, was better or worse than other options. Engaging in social welfare policy addresses low socio-economic status through intervention aimed at promoting social change, while intervention aimed at the poor family or individual addresses poverty at the micro level by helping those in need to develop better coping strategies. The argument that the social work mission of pursuing social change and dealing with poverty cannot be attained by micro practice has been the source of strong and recurrent criticism against the dominance of micro practice in social work although Hugman (2008) questions the truism of this argument (Asquith et al 2005). The relationship between the mission of social work with regard to poverty and the type of social work practised poses a dilemma for social workers. A particular challenge for social work services is how to work to the required standards regarding thresholds for assessment and intervention with West African families with low socio-economic background and to safeguard and promote childrens we lfare (Platt, 2005). Poverty And Parenting Practices The literature suggest that poverty among black West African families affect the life chances of many African children and the capacity of their parents to provide adequate care and this should be considered in social work assessment and interventions involving child abuse cases. The relationship between values and child up bringing patterns illuminates the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours (Shor, 2000). Shor (2000) suggests that parents from low social class differ in terms of the values they uphold for their children and this impact on child upbringing. It is also found that there is correlation between black African mothers with low income status using a more authoritarian approach of caring for children than mothers with high income status. Shors (2000) underpin the relationship between values and child-bearing patterns which illuminate the relationship between socio-economic factors and parenting behaviours. He suggests that parents from divers e social class differ in terms of what characteristics they value most for their children and that these differences in value contribute to differences in parenting behaviour. This variation in child-rearing attitudes based on socio-economic variables was underpinned by Shaefer and Edgerton (1995). In order to develop a sensitive knowledge of child abuse, not only across culture but also across socio-economic contexts, it is possible to draw upon knowledge from studies that look at the parenting patterns of black parents with low income. In families it is the children to whom social workers owe the greater duty of care. Children can be clear about what they need. There may be tensions between childrens needs and wishes, parents needs and wishes, the views and wishes of the wider family, of the community, other professionals, and with the requirements of the law, regulation and procedure. Even where the decision is to remove a child from a family the way social workers conduct their business can make a difference. Thus social work has to respond to parental needs- financial and social, for the sake of the children, but may need to abandon them to maintain the primacy of the childs welfare. The consequences of getting the balance wrong in either direction expose both black African children and parents to suffering and pain. Sometimes the nature of the socio-economic issue will demand decisions that appear to undermine that commitment of not putting children at risk of significant harm. Social workers have to take the decision and maintain the commitment. The Government Regulatory Policies And Poverty By the 21st century, there was a growing view that many West African children who were subjects of section 47 investigations were also eligible for services as children in need (section 17 of the 1989 Children Act). Often, such children did not receive these welfare services because of the apparent incident driven focus of child protection services. One way forward in these circumstances was to encourage local authority social work teams to conduct initial assessments, rather than child protection investigations, in borderline cases, with a view to finding less intrusive forms of social work intervention practice that address the wider developmental needs of the child. Procedures supporting such changes were first introduced by local authorities independently, and were subsequently incorporated into government guidance in England, with the expectation that all referrals of children would first be offered an initial assessment except in emergency cases or where it is suspected that a crime has been committed (Department of Health, 1999). Concurrently, a detailed framework was issued regarding the assessment of all children in need (Department of Health, 2000). The now familiar Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families was based on an ecological model of assessment, and included supporting pro formas covering the initial assessment period. Platt, (2000) in his study on refocusing initiative attracted a degree of criticism. For many health and social work professionals, there was concern that serious child protection issues might not receive an adequate response if handled outside child protection procedures (Calder and Hackett, 2003). A key factor here would be whether cases can be switched successfully from family support back into child protection—an issue that has given cause for concern over a number of years (Laming, 2003). Parton (1996) criticized the recommendations of Messages from Research because they ignored the basic socio-economic reality for many families. Furthermore, cu rrent social expectations may support a formal response to allegations of child abuse and neglect. It is thus unreasonable to expect social workers to act alone since to do so runs counter to the dominant view of wider society. The idea that fewer investigations would mean that resources could simply be transferred to family support services is somewhat naive. The resource problems include the provision of social work time, the provision of adequate family support services, and the need to support a period of change and transition. Few would argue that resourcing levels in any of these respects have been adequate (Calder and Hackett, 2003), and the question of resources was sidestepped almost completely by Messages from Research. The difficulties of implementing such changes were highlighted more recently by Cleaver and Walker (2004) in their research on the impact of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. The role of the state in these processes was also examined critically by Spratt and Callan (2004). They argued that reductions in numbers of children on the child protection register have been achieved largely as a result of modern governance and measures to promote compliance with performance targets. Whilst these achievements are laudable, they suggest, they may serve to obscure ‘underlying tensions in the relationship between the state and the family. The idea of refocusing has been affected by complex, often competing pressures since the introduction of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. Arguably, the death of Victoria Climbià © reinforced a ‘child protection orientation, and may have led, in some areas, to a lowering of the child protection threshold (Laming, 2003). The Laming report, furthermore, draws attention to the professional confusions that arise from the distinctions in practice between sections 17 and 47. In circumstances such as this, the role of the social worker in any changing pattern of provision takes on parti cular importance. Chapter Three Social Work Practices History Of Social Work Practice Social work has its roots in the struggle of society to deal with poverty and the resultant problems. Therefore, social work is intricately linked with the idea of charity work; but must be understood in broader terms. The concept of charity goes back to ancient times, and the practice of providing for the poor has roots in all major world religions (www.globalvision.org. Retrieved on 14/04/2009). The term social work intervention usually describes work undertaken with individuals, families, groups and communities. In this context the term to cover the use of social work knowledge and skills when using it within a social care organisation to facilitate the provision of services and practice consistent with the Codes of Practice and with standards of service and practice, and to promote the social inclusion and life opportunities of people using services. Successful social work includes the capacity to work effectively within organisations and across organisational boundaries. In the vast majority of instances social work intervention is a collective activity not an individual activity whether as social worker employee or an independent social worker. The most common form of methods of social work intervention is Individual or family casework. Here social work is the intervention. It supports the individual or family to identify, and use, their own and their social networks exp erience and expertise as a resource for problems or difficulties may have resulte

Deceptive First Impressions in Morrisons Jazz Essay -- Toni Morrison

Deceptive First Impressions in Morrison's Jazz      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The novel Jazz by Toni Morrison is an extremely well written account of black life during the mid 1850's to the late 1920's. Morrison manipulates the three main character's personas while analyzing their lives to show the effect that a person's history has on their present day life. The most interesting thing I found concerning this novel has the way in which Toni Morrison was able to   present you with a first impression of the characters, then proceed through history, to give you a new conception of their character. This is seen through three important individuals: Violet, Joe, and Dorcas. At the beginning, Violet is depicted as crazy and foolish, but through the interpretation of her history, a clearer picture of a woman in love is presented. At first, Joe is seen as a man without standards who is simply a cheating husband who kills his girlfriend, but this also is abolished when the extenuating circumstances of his history are described. Dorcas plays the r ole of the piteous,innocent woman who is stuck in the middle of this crisis at the beginning, but is relieved of this generalized characterization through her actions towards Joe and her search for self-satisfaction. Even though the history that is recounted in this novel is more gossip than fact, it presents a more accurate story than the one depicted in the â€Å"offical story† located at the beginning of the novel. Toni Morrison attempts, through these three characters to illustrate how the narrator's perception of each character's history can alter the reader's understanding of a character's actions. Through this technique, she is able to demonstrate that circumstances andevents are not always as simple or truthful ... ...th explanations for certain behavior and prohibits the reader from jumping to unsound conclusions. Through knowing their personal history the reader's perception of the three characters is distinctly changed: Violet is no longer seen as crazy; Joe is not seen as the cold-hearted, adulterous murderer anymore; and Dorcas transforms from an innocent young girl to a more callous, immature, child solely concerned with self-satisfaction and a longing for belonging. Although the chronological style Toni Morrison uses is not unique, the reader finds it very useful for it allows them to experience the events as though they were being remembered by the characters. Through the characters in this novel, Toni Morrison is able to teach the reader a familiar lesson about life: not to judge a book by its cover. Works Cited Morrison, Toni.   Jazz.   New York: Plume, 1992.

George Orwells 1984 Essay -- George Orwell 1984 Nineteen Eighty-Four

George Orwell's 1984   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  War is Peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength. These are the beliefs that the citizens of Oceania, in the novel titled 1984, written by George Orwell, live by. In this novel, Oceania, one of the three remaining world super powers, is a totalitarian, a society headed by 'Big Brother' and his regime, known as the ministries of Truth, Love, and Peace. A totalitarian government is defined as a government characterized by a political authority which exercises absolute and centralized control, and in which the state regulates every realm of life. This is the type of world that the citizens of Oceania must live in, ruled by fear and under force every day. The names of the different ministries for example, are quite ironic because the are actually the exact opposite of what they profess to be, the Ministry of Love torturing members of the party and so on. Historically, no such type of totalitarian society has ever been actually achieved. In the past, even though fascist and communist states have risen up and tried to achieve such a world, there has never been enough technology or a means by which a government could truly regulate every aspect of life, and thus there has been failure in every attempt at creating a truly totalitarian society. However, in this modern day, new technologies of every kind have made the possibility of such a society to arise a pending reality. Through things such as censorship of the media, new advances in spy technology, and the disintegration of the family in our world today, the world described by Orwell seems ever more a possibility. There are factors that exist in this book that pertain not only to the totalitarian regime of 1984, but apply directly to the democratic republic society in which United States citizens live today.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  To begin with, the ability of governments to censor media in the world today is a primary factor in the ability of a totalitarian regime to arise. In the society of Oceania, all of the citizens? thoughts and beliefs are fed to them directly from the government. All of the information about production figures, current wars, and other current events all are filtered and approved by the government. The people do not hear or know anything that the government does not want them to know. In addition, the citizens of Oceania take what they hear as absolute truth, never ... ... Party members devalued it in Oceania. Although there do remain many strong family units throughout the world today, the increasing rate at which family units are disintegrating, democratic society or not, could aid in giving rise to a totalitarian power.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In sum, the possibility of a totalitarian regime, like the one of Big Brother in 1984, seems more possible today than it ever has before. Many factors add to the possibility of such a thing happening, such as the censorship of media, new technology, and the disintegration of the family unit. These factors abound in every society today, regardless of being a democracy. The United States in particular, regardless of being one of the strongest powers in the world and a democratic republic, is not immune to these problems that would give rise to a totalitarian government. In the end, to prevent a totalitarian government from arising, it all comes down to the voice of the people, and that they need to be strong, and not let the government take over the powers that are rightfully theirs BIBLIOGRAPHY 1)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Orwell, George. 1984. Harcourt Brace Javonovich, Inc., 1949. 2)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  www.wordreference.com/definition/totalitarian.

Valentine’s Day

With Valentine's Day approaching, I plan some cheer in the lives of college students. I prepare hundreds of love poems by the famous and the infamous on slips of paper to be tossed in a basket and passed around the classroom. And we share poems in April during National Poetry Month. Last December when we read â€Å"A Christmas Memory† by Truman Capote, I noted that not one student in class had ever tasted fruitcake. I made some and brought it in for a taste test (ingredient list on BB to avoid any allergies). My students always know the homework and what is expected, but I like to bring in the unexpected. They know that for me â€Å"education should be fun BUT education is never a joke.† I grew up in dreadful Appalachian poverty, the only one in a large extended family to attend college. My students know the story. If a person works hard, most of life works out and brings rewards. I demand that they work hard. I have been teaching for almost 40 years. I am not shy about calling a student into my office and using the â€Å"metaphorical stick† to say: you are brilliant. Why are you so casual about your studies? I receive emails or letters from students to let me know how life worked out for them. One of the young men whom I had reprimanded in my office for taking his studies too frivolously sent a note that he had just received his PH D and had accepted a position as a Superintendent of Schools in Connecticut. I have served on every committee and volunteer to mentor young faculty. I understand that at my age, they must say: she is still excited to enter the classroom after all these years. What is the secret? I have presented at both national and international conferences. About five years ago I began to question the value of our curriculum in developmental education. That led to much research, a chance meeting with Peter Adams of Community College of Baltimore who became my mentor. I knew that our administration and Trustees would not consider class sizes of eight (Peter's recommendation and practice) so I devised a triad system. Two classes of ENGL 101 (nine developmental students nestled into the 20 in each section). The two nines join later in the support class of eighteen. We have had phenomenal results in both retention and graduation. When the need arose recently for an Honors program, I stepped up to get that curriculum going. Students stop by my office to chat or to ask that I listen. When a student enters, I place everything aside and am â€Å"in that moment.† I have been voted Faculty of the Year twice by students and was presented with the Lindback Teaching Excellence Award. I look forward to every day with my students and with my colleagues in the community college.

Learning Team Reflection Essay

Alan Litchman and Laura B. Trust, Co-Presidents of Finagle a Bagel, own a bagel business in Boston (Parrino, Kidwell, Bates, 2012). Alan and Laura met in business school and after gaining business experience in other industries they purchased the bagel business with the intent of growing it as much as possible. They have two primary target markets: 1) retail stores and 2) wholesale accounts with large institutions. In this paper, we will briefly discuss a few of the strategies they used to manage their working capital. The owners of Finagle a Bagel were tired of working for other people so they decided to buy one new business. They have used several financial concepts to manage the financial accountability of their small business. They have controlled costs from the beginning of the process to the delivery of the product, as well as the administrative costs. Other items that have been highlighted are the management of cash flow, payback, and the schedule of cash entries, which has allowed the company to pay its debts. They have established a good relationship with the banks in order to negotiate the time frame for payments and rate. Suppliers are also a key success factor for the company, as the payment terms are negotiated to match the flow cash. The company’s focus is to maintain its financial management so that the business may grow and return large profits. The Finagle a Bagel also has a policy of recognizing the hard work of their employees. The owners believe that managers and employees are responsible for the success of the company. Together, the company is growing in a sustainable and financially healthy way. According to Alan Litchman, when making any investment, first one has to understand what the demand for the new product is going to be, and what kind of product can be made with the new equipment (Parrino, Kidwell, ba tes, 2012). Alongside his wife, Mr. Litchman explained how important it is to understand the company’s performance and opportunities to better apply capital investment in the company. They both explained, in their own words, the importance of setting up strategies and planning before putting a new product on the market. The couple also spoke about debt. Laura Trust said that debt is ‘a necessary evil’ and sometimes taking debt has its benefits if compared to finding capital through other means, such as pursuing a partner (Parrino, Kidwell, Bates, 2012). In this case they did not want to take a venture capital partner because the owners wanted to have authority  when making business decisions, thus avoiding ‘working for someone else’ (Parrino, Kidwell, Bates, 2012). This shows that the owners prefer a business structure like a sole proprietorship. Lastly, the fact that interest rates have been dropping for small business also supported their decision to take on debt to invest in the company. The couple is very educated when making business decisions, as they understand that even when a company has financial resources, the business gains more by obtaining financial resources from banks with small interest rates, while allowing the resources they have to generate dividends with higher interest rates. This is generally called borrowing ‘cheap money’ (Investopedia, 2014). Finally, credit is also discussed. They mentioned trade credit, which is the amount of time given to pay back vendors for the products bought. The longer the term, the better, as it allows time to receive revenue before having to pay the debt. This is another very important recommendation on how to properly use cash flow and avoid taking on debt. Overall, Alan Litchman and Laura B. Trust demonstrate a thorough understanding of how to manage their capital so that their small business continues to grow and increase their net profits, despite economic challenges in the community and the country. References Investopedia. (2014). Cheap Money. Retrieved from http://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/cheap-money.asp Parrino, R., Kidwell, D., Bates, T. (2012) Fundamentals of Corporate Finance, (2nd Ed) John Wiley & Sons Inc.